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There are people in Canada, who say they will believe what happened at the residential schools when somebody shows them a body. Produce remains, a name, a cause of death, and until then this is a story. The demand arrives dressed as rigour, and sometimes in balaclavas; it is worth answering on its own terms, because the terms defeat it.
The phrase they are reaching for without knowing it is corpus delicti. It is misunderstood as the corpse. It never meant that. It means the body of the crime: proof that a crime occurred at all, which in law rarely requires a dead body. A fraud has a corpus delicti and no remains. The substance of an offence is the harm done, not the object left behind. So when a man insists nothing happened here until a grave is opened, he is not applying a legal standard. He is refusing one.
There is a second thing wrong with that argument and almost nobody names it. Forcible transfer of children is complete on transfer. One child satisfies it. The offence does not wait for a body and does not scale with how many there are, so the quarrel over whether the number is two hundred and fifteen or twenty or none is not an argument about whether a crime occurred. It is an argument about the sentence. The deniers have dressed a sentencing question up as a liability question, and the country has agreed to argue it on that ground.
So if this crime has a body, what is it? Start with the elements, which anyone can read. Forcibly transferring the children of a group to another group. Causing serious bodily or mental harm. Deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the group’s destruction in whole or in part. Imposing measures intended to prevent births. Those are not my words and they are not activist language. They are the constituent parts of an offence set out for an international court, and the harm need not be permanent to count. Set that list against what was done on this territory for a hundred and forty-two years, and against what was done to women in hospitals within living memory, and the match is not approximate.
And yet the country settled on a modifier that changes everything. Cultural. That word lets a nation mourn without admitting anything, because it implies the loss of a costume or a cuisine, something decorative that fell away as societies changed. What was removed was memory, the operating system and not the ornament. And it was not simply removed. Something was installed in its place, in children too small to resist the installation, which is a different act than forgetting and far more aggressive.
Nobody believes that stated abstractly, so consider an experiment nobody meant to run.
In southern Africa some decades ago, culls in a large park left a surplus of orphaned young elephants, and a smaller preserve took several dozen. Note what that describes. Juveniles removed from their territory and moved to another, by people, without their consent and without their elders. They were forcibly transferred. Nobody used the phrase at the time and nobody had to, because when it is done to animals we are permitted to see it clearly.
Within a few years, adolescent males were entering musth far too early and staying in it too long, and killing rhinoceros for no reason anyone could identify. Rangers considered shooting them. Instead they brought in mature males from elsewhere. The killing stopped and the adolescents came out of musth. Nothing had been done to them except the restoration of elders, and everything they were missing turned out to be carried in the older animals and nowhere else.
Our people are not elephants and I am not comparing them. I am comparing the decision-makers, and the comparison does not flatter this country. Wildlife biologists worked out that in a long-lived species the young cannot carry it alone, and changed their policy. The Indian Department ran the same arithmetic in the same century, with children, and concluded it should build more schools.
Notice one detail, because it should keep us up at night. The orphan bulls did not attack the men who shot their mothers. They attacked rhinoceros. They attacked whatever was in front of them, which is what happens when rage has no accurate object and no elder to aim it. The same pattern has run here for four generations: families divided, organizations at war, force spent on people beside us rather than on the party that arranged it. That is not a defect in our people. It is the documented behaviour of any long-lived creature raised without its elders, and it was produced on purpose.
And we did not need a game reserve to tell us this, which is the part that stings. Our own law worked it out long before anyone in southern Africa did and built a procedure around it. When a death leaves the mind clouded, the eyes are wiped, the throat cleared, the ears opened, and the grieving restored to a clear mind, because our law holds that no business can be properly conducted by people who have not been condoled. That is not sentiment. It is a finding about what grief does to judgment, stated as a rule with a remedy attached. The rangers reached the same conclusion by accident two centuries later and were praised for their insight.
Which reframes what the schools did. They did not only break the handing down of language and knowledge. They interrupted the condolence. Four generations of death arrived without the procedure that makes a people fit to think again, and everything we have done since has been done by minds never restored. That is a more exact description of our position than anything in the reports, and it has one advantage over the elephant story: it tells us what to do. You do not go looking for the right bulls. You run the condolence, then you decide things.
Because the question of who our elders are now is not a comfortable one. Something always fills that role. For six generations the substitutes were the school, the department and the church, which is to say the young were handed to the institutions that removed the real ones. More recently it has drifted toward whoever holds the funding, the agencies and consultants that appear wherever there is money attached to our grief and speak with authority because they have a budget. Much of it is done by good people trying hard. It does not change what it is: authority deriving from another government’s cheque carries that government’s memory forward, not ours. Meanwhile the department’s memory ran unbroken the whole time, which is why a nation that writes nothing down ends up negotiating with one that writes everything down.
There is a subtler loss underneath that, and it is the one I would put at the centre. We describe what was taken as language and culture, which sounds like content. The harder loss is standing. An elder is not primarily a source of information. An elder is the person whose no you accept. Remove them and the only refusal left in a young person’s life comes from a police officer, a judge, a caseworker. That is how a people becomes governable, and why the Act did not merely displace our governance. It replaced the person with standing to correct you.
Which brings me to a word I have stopped using without thinking. Survivor sounds like respect and functions like an actuarial table. It places the injury in individual people, marks it as a past event with an end date, and makes it compensable per person, so the Crown’s exposure shrinks every year and closes when the last of them is gone. That is no criticism of anyone who uses it, least of all those it names. But if the injury is broken transmission, the injured party is the Nation, and a nation does not die on schedule. It is why arrangements are always built per claimant and never as an obligation owed to a people. They are waiting us out, and the vocabulary helps them.
None of which is abstract to me. In 1995 an agreement was reached between Mohawk People and SNEC here to take these matters to the World Court. Genocide was the claim and it was the right forum. Instead the file was treated as domestic, litigation was slowed in the name of an international case nobody then pursued, and for thirty years the answer to anyone asking has been that it is being handled. In 2010, when findings at the Mohawk Institute began pointing toward criminal consequences rather than a negotiation, that support was withdrawn. I was present for it and I keep the paper. Read it beside the elephants and it stops looking like a political dispute and starts looking like a symptom: orphaned authority, aiming at whatever is nearby.
So let me say what I think we owe the ones in the ground, which is less than people assume and harder. They can stay where they are. The Creator knows where those children are and they were not misplaced. They do not require validation from a stranger who has decided his doubt is a form of intelligence. A people should not have to dig up its own children to satisfy the evidentiary appetite of the country that put them there, and whether a community searches belongs to the families and the Nation, not to whichever body holds the funding.
Because the body of this crime was never going to be found in the ground. It is in a room where four generations sit and one cannot answer the others in the language they were raised in. It is in a woman of sixty who cannot say which longhouse she belongs to. That is the corpus. It is standing up, walking around, driving to work tomorrow morning. To the ones demanding proof: you have been standing in the evidence the whole time.
And to our own people, the part I care about. When the rangers brought the old bulls back, the killing did not take a generation to stop. It stopped almost at once, and within one generation the young males were behaving like elephants again. Nothing was fixed by studying them, funding them or apologizing to them. They were given their elders back. We will have to be those elders ourselves, badly at first, with the ones we have left, and we will have to condole each other before we can think straight enough to do it. Nobody is coming to do that part.
Originally published in the Two Row Times, September 30, 2026 (Volume 14, Issue 7), page 6.